Concerning third-party prisoner's dilemma (TP-PD), the game was modified so that in addition to two players who would choose to either cooperate or defect, a third party observer could choose to punish the players. The payoffs of the game were such that the players would be best off if they defected; however, if both players chose to defect, their payoff would be less than if they had cooperated. The observer could then choose to spend from his endowment to punish the defectors who chose to put self-interest ahead of cooperation. From previous theories, it can be concluded that subjects are willing to cooperate if the probability that others will also do so is sufficiently large. Once again, if self-interest was the decision maker for these players, neither would choose to cooperate, and the observer would also choose to keep his full endowment and not issue any punishments. However, about 45.8% of observers chose to punish the defector when he is paired with a cooperator, and 20.8% chose to punish both players if they had both defected. It's important to note that the magnitude of punishment was much larger when one defected.
Third-party management solutions are technologies and systems designed to automate the performance of one or more third-party management processes or functions. Such solutions are external-facing and designed to complement internal-facing governance, risk and compliance (GRC) systems and processes. They run on both on-premises-installed and SaaS-delivered enterprise platforms.
In a variation of the TP-DG, the third party observer could choose to spend part of the endowment to punish the dictator or could spend part of the endowment to compensate the recipient. About 40% of the third party observers chose to do both, while 32% chose to compensate the recipient and only about 6% opted to punish only. This indicates that compensation is preferred over punishment in the TP-DG when an offer is perceived as unfair. This suggests that third-party punishment may be motivated by a desire to both provide justice for those who have been wronged and to reprimand those who violate expected social norms.
Concerning third-party dictator game (TP-DG), the game was modified to include a third person with a punishment option between the dictator and the recipient. The dictator was given an endowment of 100, of which he could choose to share any portion with the recipient. The third person observer was also given an endowment of 50, of which he could choose to spend in order to punish the dictator. If self-interest was the driving force for the decision making, then the dictator would choose to donate none of his endowment, and the third party observer would choose to spend none of his endowment punishing the dictator. However, roughly 60% of the third party observers chose to punish dictators who donated less than half their endowment.
With respect to the cooperation norms violations (prisoner's dilemma), it has been shown that second-party punishments are consistently higher than third-party punishments for defectors. The punishments were such that the defectors could still profit in the third-party conditions, but could not profit in the second-party conditions. Punishment for cooperators were negligible under both conditions.
With respect to the distribution norms violations (dictator games), it has been shown that second-party punishments are consistently higher than third-party punishments for dictators that choose to share less than half of their endowment. The punishments were such that the dictators could still profit from giving less than half in the third-party conditions, but could not profit in the second-party conditions. The levels of punishment were consistently low for both second and third-party punishments if the levels of endowment were higher than half.
Due to trends towards specialization and outsourcing, companies increasingly focused on core competencies are engaging greater numbers of third parties to perform key functions in their business value chain; third-party activity is typically responsible for driving approximately 60% of total revenue. This trend is creating greater numbers of critical third-party relationships throughout the economy which – in the case of companies with tens of thousands and even hundreds of thousands of third-party relationships – can become cumbersome to monitor and manage manually.
Throughout the nineteenth century, third parties such as the Prohibition Party, Greenback Party and the Populist Party evolved from widespread antiparty sentiment and a belief that governance should attend to the public good rather than partisan agendas. Because this position was based more on social experiences than any political ideology, nonpartisan activity was generally most effective on the local level. As third-party candidates tried to assert themselves in mainstream politics, however, they were forced to betray the antiparty foundations of the movement by allying with major partisan leaders. These alliances and the factionalism they engendered discouraged nonpartisan supporters and undermined the third-party movement by the end of the nineteenth century. Many reformers and nonpartisans subsequently lent support to the Republican Party, which promised to attend to issues important to them, such as anti-slavery or prohibition.
First, the defendant seller was not itself a purchaser from the plaintiff patentee. The court ruled that the exhaustion doctrine may be asserted only by an "authorized acquirer" — one who purchases the patented article from the patentee or its authorized seller. Thus, this court opined that third-party standing did not exist.
In patent and copyright cases, courts have at times allowed third-party standing to would-be sellers of goods or services to possessors of rights under patent or copyright law who were not situated in a way to assert the rights themselves.
The 2011 federal election saw a further realignment of Canadian party politics as the New Democratic Party made significant gains, allowing it to emerge as the official opposition. For the first time in Canadian history the Liberal Party was reduced to third party status. The Bloc Québécois which had been the third largest party in the House of Commons since 1997 was reduced to only four seats while a new party, the Greens made their debut in the House after winning a single seat. The New Democratic Party returned to third-party status in the federal election of 2015 and remained since.
In Nova Scotia, the mid-1990s saw the emergence of the NDP as a serious contender for government. Both Alexa McDonough and Robert Chisholm expanded the party's base beyond the labour movement and Cape Breton. The Liberals and the NDP won an equal number of seats at the 1999 election; in an unprecedented arrangement, the Speaker ruled that the two parties would split the parliamentary resources of the Official Opposition, and take turns leading the opposition in the Assembly on alternating days. This situation lasted until Liberal leader Russell MacLellan resigned from the legislature, and the party lost his seat to the governing PCs. In 2009. the NDP was elected into government, the first time an Atlantic province had voted for a party besides the Liberals or Conservatives. The Tories were relegated to the position of third party with only ten seats and the Liberals formed the Official Opposition. Four years later, the NDP were heavily defeated, and reduced to third-party status once again, and Stephen McNeil became Premier.
Before the 2019 election, Prince Edward Island was only elected three third-party MLAs in its history (including one from by-election): Dr. Herb Dickieson for the PEI NDP from 1996 to 2000, Peter Bevan-Baker in 2015 for the Green Party of PEI and gain another seat for Green Party of PEI by Hannah Bell who won in 2017 Charlottetown-Parkdale by-election. The Greens had outpolled the NDP in the previous election, and Bevan-Baker, in his third campaign for the seat, won over 50% of the vote in Kellys Cross-Cumberland. In the 2019 election, however, that become its historical for the Island, as the Green Party become the new official opposition party, while the Prince Edward Island Liberal Party is become the first time in the Island political and party's history, a new third party by lose majority of their seats (11 seats) to the Greens and Progressive Conservatives.
Saskatchewan is the only province currently without any third-party representation in its legislature, since the Saskatchewan Liberal Party lost its remaining seat in the 2003 election. The Liberals had been the right-wing counterweight to the CCF/NDP from the 1930s, and after the disgraced PC Party collapsed, had returned to official opposition. This success was short-lived, as prominent Liberal MLAs and organizers joined with ex-PCs and supporters of the Reform Party of Canada to form the Saskatchewan Party as a unified centre-right alternative. Struggling to stay relevant, the Liberals nominated only 9 candidates in 2011 and finished behind the Green Party of Saskatchewan in the popular vote. Despite internal disarray, the Greens (who began as a left-wing protest group) were able to capitalize on the flagging popularity of NDP leader Dwain Lingenfelter, who led the opposition to a disastrous nine seats. The Liberals managed to rebound in 2016, nominating a full slate of candidates and more than tripling the popular vote of the Greens, but won no seats.
The list includes the third-party candidates that captured less than 5% but more than (or reasonably close to) 1% of the popular vote and no electoral votes.
Standard DMA, also called third-party DMA, uses a DMA controller. A DMA controller can generate memory addresses and initiate memory read or write cycles. It contains several hardware registers that can be written and read by the CPU. These include a memory address register, a byte count register, and one or more control registers. Depending on what features the DMA controller provides, these control registers might specify some combination of the source, the destination, the direction of the transfer (reading from the I/O device or writing to the I/O device), the size of the transfer unit, and/or the number of bytes to transfer in one burst.
Provo Craft has been actively hostile to the use of third-party software programs that could enable Cricut owners to cut out designs and to use the machine without depending on its proprietary cartridges. In a comparative review of die-cutting machines, review site TopTenReviews identified being "limited to cutting designs from a collection of cartridges" as a major drawback of the Cricut range, though the review noted that it could be a preference for some.
Squat parties have an overt or implied radical left-wing stance. The squat party community embraces autonomous, anarchistic principles by refusing to recognize the right of any third-party authority to decide when and how people should congregate. Squat party organizers also eschew capitalistic values by putting on parties which benefit the community and its artists instead of to turn a profit.
There are many third-party webcron scheduling providers on the web. These services accept a URL and a frequency schedule to retrieve, or ping, the specified URL. Most providers have restrictions built into their system to avoid overloading their servers and to encourage users to sign up for premium accounts.
Third-party free software exists to enable Eye-Fi cards to be accessed from Linux.